by Lucas Tsovras
“I vote for Mr. Godin. I don’t look after what celebration he belongs.” – George Zoubris1

Bernard Vallée, « Portraits de Gérald Godin, Ministre de l’immigration, » 19 November 1980, BAnQ numérique.
1976 is greatest remembered in Quebec because the yr the levee broke. The rising tides of québécois nationalism and the sovereigntist motion advanced right into a majority victory in that yr’s common election for the Parti québécois [PQ], the nationwide progressivist celebration in search of a sovereignty-association settlement with the Canadian federal authorities. Underneath its founder and first Premier, René Lévesque (1922-1987), successive PQ cupboards handed laws and reforms from 1976 via 1985 that radically altered the course of Quebec’s historical past. Amidst these years, narratives emerged about peoples on the margins of the province’s society difficult what it meant to be québécois and who may gain advantage from the Quiet Revolution. Montreal’s Mercier district performed host to 1 such narrative.
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Mercier was a provincial electoral district in central Montreal. Going into the 1976 common election, its deputy was Robert Bourassa (1933-1996), Parti libéral du Québec [PLQ] chief and Quebec’s Premier. Bourassa had held this largely francophone working class district in each common election since 1966. Mercier was thought-about a PLQ stronghold, a perception bolstered by a rising immigrant demographic generally assumed to lean within the governing celebration’s favor.2 A powerful contingent of the voters, nevertheless, had uninterested in their “absent” deputy and his celebration’s unpopular insurance policies. Nonetheless, few believed that will assist Bourassa’s underdog rival in Mercier, PQ candidate Gérald Godin. This burgeoning politician was a marginal determine within the in style creativeness and his celebration, however Godin nonetheless carried out an intensive door-to-door marketing campaign that turned him right into a fixture of the neighborhood. His charisma and personability all through numerous hours of talking with voters set a precedent which couldn’t be matched by a Premier.3 And it paid off.
November fifteenth, election day: 13,450 votes to Godin; 9,714 to Bourassa.4
The Premier of Quebec had misplaced to a political rookie.
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Gérald Godin (1938-1994) was firstly a person of letters, because the Trois-Rivières native made his title via poetry. His poems championed the working-class French dialects of Quebec, contributing to the introduction of Joual within the province’s literary canon. His roles as editor of Éditions Parti pris (1965-1977)5 and co-organizer of the well-known Nuit de la poésie (1970)6 assured his place on the prime of Quebec’s francophone literary scene. Alongside along with his spouse, Quebec’s nice chanteuse Pauline Julien (1928-1998), Godin was arrested within the federal company raids of 1970’s October Disaster, certifying his credentials as a real souverainiste.7 He moreover entered parallel careers in journalism and as a lecturer at UQAM. When the latter path was interrupted by placing, Godin obtained a suggestion from an acquaintance to current himself because the PQ’s candidate in Mercier.8 The poet took the gig, and he stole the present.
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With the PQ in energy, and Godin on the Nationwide Meeting, few puzzled what to make of these immigrants in Mercier.
In 1977, the PQ handed its “Constitution of the French Language,” popularly often called Invoice 101. With French officialised as the only real official language of Quebec, immigrants had been now mandated to enroll their kids within the francophone school-system.9 Regardless of a grandfather clause that protected most Greek-Canadian kids from that eventuality, Invoice 101 obtained broad opposition from the ethnic neighborhood. When contemplating that regulation and what was then a looming referendum, the PQ and its politicians had misplaced a lot of the attract they held with Greek-Canadians previous to the 1976 election. The reality of the 1980 sovereignty-association referendum solely deepened the divide.
However Gérald Godin had some previous buddies on the Greek-Canadian Left. His alliances with the anti-dictatorship networks that had developed in Montreal gave him contacts in contrast to some other politician from outdoors the neighborhood.10 This time, independence was not the trigger. Quite, secularization, a longtime explanation for the Quiet Revolution, was to deliver Godin and Greek-Canadians collectively.
In 1975, the Hellenic Neighborhood of Montreal [HCM]11 requested an modification to a 1926 non-public regulation relating to its governance to the Fee permanente des consommateurs, coopératives, et establishments financières. The pre-existing model of the regulation positioned the HCM below the auspices of the Greek-Orthodox Archdiocese of North America. This actuality was unpopular with a big contingent of the group’s paying membership. Initially, the HCM’s elected management contacted Saint-Louis MNA Harry Clean to help their secularization mission. Affiliation with Clean proved unproductive, because the modification proposal remained unresolved for 4 years. Clean handed the baton to Godin in 1979, and progress abounded. The politician shortly organized a gathering with the Fee.12 Godin’s dedication and optimistic outlook upon the mission is captured within the assembly minutes: “C’est depuis 1975 que ce projet de loi, à peu de choses près, determine au feuilleton de la Chambre et ce n’est que maintenant qu’il va peut-être aboutir. Donc, je pense que nous nous sommes hâtés très lentement, comme gouvernement, ainsi que nos prédécesseurs, et c’est ce qui explique un peu l’impatience de la communauté grecque de Montréal qui attend ce projet de loi.”13
Godin certainly associated to the HCM’s need for secularization, having lived via and contributed to Quebec’s departure from ultramontanism. His passionate defence of the mission in opposition to entrenched opposition (which included Archbishop Sotirios of Toronto) was notably inspiring when contemplating the details that he held no ministerial place, that Greek-Canadians had been a small minority in his district, and that the HCM’s workplaces weren’t even situated in Mercier! Projet de loi privé 231 efficiently handed, secularizing the HCM’s directorate.14 Godin was promptly named an honorary member of the Greek-Canadian neighborhood.15

Clockwise from prime left: Greek dancing (The Greek-Canadian Tribune, 10 April 1981, 1); Third-left, Godin participates in Greek Independence Day Parade (Robert Mailloux, “25 mars 1984,” Fonds La Presse, BAnQ numérique); Considered one of Godin’s (seated, middle) many visits to the Cretan’s Affiliation (The Greek-Canadian Tribune, 13 February 1981); Addressing a Greek-Canadian crowd, in Greek (The Greek-Canadian Tribune, 5 October 1981).
Mercier was restructured in 1980. Stretching additional westward into the Mile Finish, 6090 new voters16 had been integrated into its voters. Crucially for a lot of Greek-Canadians, Jeanne-Mance St, Park Avenue, and Hutchison St now all belonged to Mercier.17 For the reason that Nineteen Fifties, the Greek-Canadian neighborhood had gravitated towards Park Avenue and entrenched itself upon its surrounding blocks. Travelling north of Mont-Royal Avenue, one was greeted by souvlaki eating places, numerous Greek regional affiliation headquarters, a department of the Nationwide Financial institution of Greece, and even two cinemas which frequently screened imported Greek movies. That’s not to say the numerous different companies owned and staffed by the Mile Finish’s Greek-Canadians. Park Extension could have been the Greek-Canadian neighborhood, however Park Avenue was undoubtedly their hub.18 In a single day, Godin inherited some 4000 Greek-Canadian constituents with the 1980 referendum and the lived realities of Invoice 101 contemporary of their reminiscences.19 Godin’s evaluation was daunting: “Je suis entre leurs mains.”20
Godin was named Ministre des communautés culturelles et de l’immigration in 1980 and promptly employed Joseph Xenopoulos as his liaison to the Greek-Canadian neighborhood. Working in tandem, they developed a intelligent technique to earn this ethnic group’s confidence. Godin, the poet, had a pure affinity for languages. Earlier than addressing Greek-Canadian audiences at neighborhood occasions or PQ rallies, Xenopoulos would put together him Greek-language speeches written out phonetically in Latin script. Godin delivered these flawlessly, and enhanced them along with his uncanny means to slip in dozens of phrases that Xenopoulos had by no means taught him.21 These speeches had been latched on to by Quebec’s press, whether or not English, French, or Greek, who all acclaimed Godin as having achieved fluency within the Greek language.22 This was removed from the reality. However the expertise Godin possessed and exemplified in these rallies demonstrated his willingness to straight talk the insurance policies of his celebration to immigrants of their language.

“Take a look at Godin go! We ship him to show the Greeks the sq. dance, and he comes again dancing the sirtaki!” Cartoon by Girerd initially revealed in La Presse, republished in The Greek-Canadian Tribune, 24 April 1981, 12, Hellenic Library of Montreal.
The PQ revealed Greek-language pamphlets and purchaseed commercial area in Greek-Canadian media, and Godin’s attraction with Greek-Canadians was starting to point out.23 A La presse report on his marketing campaign captures his rising recognition: « Un restaurateur [grec], pour ne plus fâcher ses compatriots, a bien consenti à retirer de sa vitrine la picture de René Lévesque. Il a toutefois tenu à garder celle de Gérald Godin dans sa porte. Le ministre de l’Immigration a aidé sa famille et il ne l’oublie pas. »24 However nonetheless, by the morning of April 13th, 1981, few believed Godin had a lot of an opportunity in Mercier. It was an assumed proven fact that the unpopular PQ would lose all ethnic votes to the PLQ. In an interview shortly earlier than the election, Godin flipped the script: “N’est-ce pas plûtot le PQ qui est rejeté par les ethnies?”25

(Left-to-right) Parti québécois marketing campaign commercial for the Greek-Canadian press (The Greek-Canadian Tribune, 10 April 1981, 3, Hellenic Library of Montreal); “All of us vote for the philhellene G. Godin,” 1981 election marketing campaign poster (Hellenic Library of Montreal).
Final-ditch efforts had been made by the PQ to make additional inroads with Greek-Canadians. The day earlier than the election, 200 undocumented Greeks had been made Canadian residents because of an amnesty plan spearheaded by Godin.26 And curiously sufficient, René Lévesque’s last cease on the marketing campaign path was a go to to the Cretan’s Affiliation on Park Avenue, accompanied by Laurier candidate Nadia Brédimas-Assimopoulos and Godin. The PQ’s Greek chapter solely numbered some-200 members, however the necessity of successful the neighborhood’s votes clearly stood out the PQ chief, who addressed the gang in English.27 Maybe it was not Lévesque’s destiny of their palms, however Godin was well-aware that their neighborhood’s energy in quantity might simply reverse 1976’s consequence.
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As soon as the votes had been counted, Godin not solely rewon his seat, however he defeated his PLQ opponent by a fair better margin than in 1976.28 The press readily attributed this success to his aggressive campaigning for Greek-Canadian votes. Le soleil reported ¼ of Mercier’s Greek-Canadians as having voted for Godin. Nevertheless, the verity of such claims is inconceivable to find out.29 In the end, the importance of Godin’s 1981 marketing campaign is just not fully proved, as conclusive because it was, by its optimistic consequence. It’s fairly what his marketing campaign symbolized that deserves to be remembered and celebrated. {That a} québécois de vielle souche and separatist engaged with an ethnic minority’s political pursuits with real vigour presents a reliable anomaly, as Godin stands alone in his celebration’s historical past. His romantic imaginative and prescient of Quebec’s future is effectively price remembering, and stays greatest expressed in his personal phrases:
« En ’76, on a décapité le Parti libéral dans Mercier. Il s’en est jamais remis. En ’81, on a ouvert le Parti québécois aux néo-québécois. En conter de ce soir, je le dis à tous les membres du PQ : c’est attainable! C’est attainable! La communauté grecque a voté PQ cette année pour la première fois de son existence! C’est très vital pour l’avenir du Parti québécois, oui, mais surtout, pour l’avenir du Québec! Il faut déjà envisager dès ce soir, un Québec ou tout le monde seront des frères et des sœurs. Sans aucune différence, sans aucune distinction. »
– Gérald Godin (Aréna Paul Sauvé, 13 April 1981)30
Lucas Tsovras is at present enrolled within the MA historical past program at McGill College. His analysis is supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Analysis Council of Canada via a Canada Graduate Scholarship and the Immigrec analysis mission, and focuses on the combination of Quebec’s Greek-Canadian neighborhood throughout the Lengthy Quiet Revolution (1960-1983).
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